However one judges Donald Trump – and in recent polls the vast majority of America views him poorly – most agree he has been the most disruptive force in American politics since the 1854 creation of the pro-abolitionist Republican Party ushered the end of the Whig Party and made the Civil War inevitable.
Although Trump is leaving office and most likely will never be able to win office again, don’t expect the national political dynamics to spring back to their old pre-Trump conditions. Trump seized on many social, racial and economic tensions within the Republican Party. This forced many traditional Republicans to manage through a flood of cognitive dissonance on issues ranging from tariffs and national security to white supremacy and immigration.
Meanwhile, the Democratic Party is also managing stresses between a business-backed establishment wing and its more Progressive rank-and-file. These fault lines lie along their differing attitudes toward corporate control of our politics and economy. Manifesting this are issues such as Medicare for All, a national $15/hour minimum wage, treatment of corporations as individuals, campaign finance reform and even in some ways police reform.
A good way to examine the fissures trembling through both parties is by studying attitudes within both parties toward fascism and corporate/elite control. Doing this results in the following four-quadrant rubric:
This shows the Democratic wings are closely aligned in their attitudes toward fascism and Constitutional procedure. Meanwhile, Republicans practice greater situational ethics on these issues with their attitudes changing depending on what’s in their best interests.
But the alignments shift dramatically when it comes to attitudes toward corporate political influence. Both establishment wings are strongly financed by and attuned to corporate concerns. If Establishment Republicans finally give up on the Full Trumpers, they would most likely seek alignment with the Establishment Democrats. In decades past, these Democrats would probably have been “Rockefeller Republicans” – meaning socially liberal to a degree but fiscally conservative/corporate.
Establishment Democrats could drift toward the establishment Republicans if Progressives’ formal power in the party finally catches up to their numeric advantage among party voters. This would then cause Establishment Dems (and their corporate patrons) to either swallow their pride and accept more pro-voter policies, or maintain their pro-corporate policies and move more toward establishment Republicans.
Then the Establishment wings of both parties would create a new party. But this would only happen if Establishment Republicans completely foreswear their racist and fascist tolerance clearly displayed during the Trump years and agreed to the minimal social safety net of the Establishment Dems.
Based on current voter distributions (see below), this would make the combined Establishment wings competitive against the Progressives.
But unlike the Establishment Dems, Progressives would be quite unlikely to merge with the Full Trumpers. The latter are far too deluded with the venom and conspiracy theories of the Trump years to forge an alliance with anyone but the morally relativistic and now outnumbered Establishment Republicans.
So what happens to the Full Trumpers? Time will cause their elected numbers to gradually diminish, but the hardcore may always be there on the fringes of society and politics. Their voting base could also dwindle if Progressives are able to eventually advance programs and reforms that truly benefit working-class and rural communities that have been ravaged by jobs-killing trade deals like the original NAFTA, the Big Pharma-fueled Opioids Epidemic, and no longer affordable college educations.
If this could happen, then this could return some of those blue-collar Reagan Democrats of yore to the liberal ranks. But do not expect a realignment to happen all at once.
Remember that the creation of the Full Trumpers was four decades in the making. It started with the Reagan Democrats gravitating to the GOP column in the ’80s and then Third-Way Clinton Democrats de-emphasized working-class Americans as a party cornerstone and went after Wall Street fundraising. Next were the culture war era of the Pat Buchannan and Newt Gingrich years, which were the precursors of the Tea Party and Freedom Caucus. Trump then leverage all this with his brand of supercharged hatred and fear-mongering to narrowly win the presidency.
Trump’s style of politics also influenced a remarkable 34 mostly Establishment Republicans to resign from the House midway through Trump’s administration. This happened despite holding the majority and served to further consolidate Trump’s power over the party.
For realignment to happen, watch where the Establishment Republicans go and how quickly. They are the smallest faction within either party, and most would love to separate from the Full Trumpers. Fear of being primaried remains the trickiest part of their calculus. However, if Full Trumpers are able to strip Wyoming Rep. Liz Cheney of her leadership position and events lead to at least 17 Republican Senators voting to convict Trump of impeachment charges, the realignment could accelerate.
After all, the events of Jan. 6 did not endear Establishment Republicans to their own party. Trump dubbed most of them part of the “Surrender Caucus,” which made them as much targets of the Jan. 6 mob as Democrats were.
Senator Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) has already mused publicly about whether she stays in the Republican Party. It would be unlikely for her to become a full-fledged Democrat, but just becoming a non-caucusing independent could cause other moderate senators to gravitate that way and eventually unify with the Establishment Dems.
Such a realignment – provided it leaves the Full Trumpers permanently sidelined – would actually qualify as an example of "what does not kill us, makes us stronger.” It would because the rank racism and fascism of the Trump years will have been soundly defeated and a combined Establishment party would be more socially liberal than the current Republican Party and Progressives would have the powers of a full party to continue to effect pro-voter change.
But then again, so much in politics can change at a moment’s turn. Look no further than 9/11 plunging America into two prolonged wars, the legalization of gay marriage in 2015, and Trump’s double surprises in 2016 winning the GOP nomination and then the White House.